Key Points
|
Aspect |
Situation before Permanent Settlement |
Changes under Permanent Settlement (1793) |
Problems that arose |
Consequences |
|
Revenue system |
Revenue demand revised periodically |
Revenue permanently fixed on zamindars |
High fixed demand even during bad harvests |
Zamindars fell into arrears |
|
Role of zamindars |
Revenue collectors of the state |
Recognised as landholders |
Loss of control if revenue not paid |
Estates auctioned |
|
Auction system |
Rare and exceptional |
Estates sold to recover unpaid revenue |
Many auctions were fictitious |
Zamindars retained control indirectly |
|
Impact on peasants (ryots) |
Paid rent to zamindars |
Rent demands increased |
No protection against exploitation |
Increased burden and insecurity |
|
Power relations |
Zamindars exercised local authority |
Company restricted zamindari powers |
Judicial delays and weak enforcement |
Rise of rich peasants (jotedars) |
|
Region/Group |
Main Occupation |
Tools Used |
Relationship with Forest |
Impact of British Policies |
|
Paharias |
Shifting cultivation, hunting, forest gathering |
Hoe, axe, digging tools |
Deeply dependent on forests for food, fuel and livelihood |
Loss of forest land due to expansion of settled agriculture |
|
Rajmahal Hills |
Forest-based agriculture |
Hoe (light digging) |
Forest seen as homeland and source of identity |
Forced forest clearance and intrusion by outsiders |
|
British Officials |
Expansion of settled agriculture |
Plough promoted |
Viewed forests as wasteland to be converted |
Encouraged deforestation and agricultural expansion |
|
Santhals |
Settled cultivation |
Plough |
Cleared forests to cultivate land |
Given land under Damin-i-Koh but later exploited |
|
Colonial State |
Revenue collection |
Plough-based farming |
Forests seen as obstacles to revenue |
Increased conflict with tribal communities |
|
Aspect |
Causes |
Nature of Revolt |
Role of Moneylenders |
British Response |
|
Peasant Distress |
High land revenue, rigid ryotwari system, crop failures |
Burning of account books, attacks on sahukars |
Charged high interest, seized land and crops |
Police posts set up, troops deployed |
|
Economic Pressure |
Falling agricultural prices after 1830s |
Organised village-level protests |
Refused loans, demanded repayment |
Arrests and convictions of peasants |
|
Credit Crisis |
Credit dried up after cotton boom ended |
Targeted destruction of debt bonds |
Manipulated bonds and accounts |
Suppression of revolt by force |
|
Revenue System |
Heavy revenue demand despite poor harvests |
Spread across large areas of Deccan |
Became symbols of oppression |
Countryside brought under control |
|
Long-term Impact |
Growing indebtedness of ryots |
Peasant awareness and resistance |
Continued dominance in villages |
Later moderation of revenue demands |
|
Aspect |
Background |
Work of the Commission |
Findings |
Historical Significance |
|
Formation |
Set up after the spread of riots in the Deccan |
Appointed by the Bombay Government under pressure from the Government of India |
Investigated causes of peasant unrest |
Marked official inquiry into peasant revolts |
|
Sources Used |
Memory of the 1857 revolt made authorities cautious |
Recorded statements of ryots, sahukars and eyewitnesses |
Collected statistical data on prices, revenue and interest |
Provides rich source material for historians |
|
Areas Covered |
Riot-affected districts of the Deccan |
Held enquiries across different regions |
Compared regional variations in debt and interest rates |
Helped understand regional economic conditions |
|
Official View |
Government reluctant to blame its own policies |
Examined revenue demand and credit relations |
Blamed moneylenders rather than revenue system |
Shows colonial bias in interpretation |
|
Limitations |
Commission was an official body |
Reflected official concerns and priorities |
Ignored role of harsh revenue demands |
Highlights need to read official records critically |
